நிதி உதவி வழங்க !
UPI ID : enb@axis.com
UPI ID : enb@axis.com
Two years of stability, but growth reforms remain overdueDhananath FernandoSeptember 27, 2026 Sunday ObserverBy Rathindra KuruwitaThe fuel-pricing formula could have been made more transparentThe Government has performed remarkably well and has exceeded the Primary Balance targets agreed with the IMFSri Lanka should connect its electricity grid to India. It may not be politically popular, but economically it makes sense.This Budget is crucial as it may be the last in which the President has considerable freedom to act.Sri Lanka’s economy has remained broadly stable during the National People’s Power (NPP) Government’s first two years despite a series of domestic and global shocks. But with the country now facing a slowing global economy, energy pressures and weaker conditions in key export markets, the next phase will require reforms that can generate sustained economic growth, says Advocata Institute CEO, Dhananath Fernando.Excerpts of the interview:Q: How would you assess the economic performance of the Government over the past two years?Looking at economic stability, I think the Government has done remarkably well. It continued with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme and has been very pragmatic.There were three major shocks during the first two years: the Trump tariffs, Cyclone Ditwah and now the Middle East crisis. The first two were managed well. The third has also been managed reasonably well, although the Government could have adjusted fuel prices better.Policy consistency was also maintained. Even during the transition of power, key officials remained in their positions, which helped preserve stability. That is a positive.The second positive area is fiscal policy. The Government has performed remarkably well and has exceeded the Primary Balance targets agreed with the IMF. Revenue collection has also been good; vehicle imports contributed to this. The Current Account Surplus was maintained until the last three or four months, when the Middle East crisis began to affect it.There have also been some encouraging developments in areas such as public transport and the Government appears to have identified some of the issues that matter directly to people.Another positive development is the restructuring of the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB). It was not carried out in the way I would advocate, because I would have preferred greater room for private-sector investment. Nevertheless, the Government has at least undertaken the unbundling of transmission, generation and distribution. That is significant because many Governments have struggled to do even that.Where could it have done better? One area is fuel-price revisions. I think this partly contributed to the current account deficit during the past three months. Understandably, there is a limit to how much fuel prices can be increased, but the adjustments could have been handled better. The fuel-pricing formula could have been made more transparent, and revisions could perhaps have been made more frequently rather than only once a month.Another area is the Gambling Regulatory Authority (GRA). Gambling is a sunrise industry, and if the Government intends to take it seriously, the regulatory framework needs to be stronger. An authority has been established, but the legislation and its mandate were diluted. The sector could have received greater attention.The biggest weakness, however, has been growth reforms. We have unfortunately not seen major reforms aimed at generating growth.Q: Can you elaborate on what you mean by growth reforms?An economy essentially depends on land, labour and capital, together with entrepreneurship, which brings those factors together. Sri Lanka has considerable barriers in all of these factor markets.Take land for instance, most of the land in Sri Lanka is owned by the Government. Even when an investor arrives, around 95 to 98 percent of our industrial zones are already occupied, particularly in the Western Province.At the individual level, many people also lack clear property rights. If someone wants to build a house and approaches a bank, the bank asks for collateral. Farmers face the same problem. But if you do not have proper ownership of the land, you cannot use it effectively as collateral. As a result, you cannot unlock capital to increase productivity.Land reform is difficult, but somebody has to address it. There is already a land-titling programme that has existed for 20 or 30 years. We need to invest more in it, digitise land records and issue proper titles.The second area is labour. This is difficult politically, but Sri Lanka has very restrictive labour regulations. These need to be simplified. Ideally, Sri Lanka should have a unified labour code.The regulations should also be rewritten to accommodate part-time work and flexible working hours and to make it easier for women to work according to arrangements that suit their circumstances. These reforms are important because the overall economy is already facing a labour shortage.The third area is capital. There are restrictions on capital movements both domestically and internationally. These restrictions also need to be reformed and gradually removed.Another labour-related issue is the free movement of people. For example, if a Sri Lankan is married to a foreign national, it can be extremely difficult for the foreign spouse to obtain the right to work here. That makes little sense, particularly when Sri Lanka has a labour shortage.Some of the people we classify as foreigners also have Sri Lankan roots. They migrated because of difficult periods in our history. They may now be foreign citizens, but they retain links to Sri Lanka. If we can tap into that community, they bring capital, networks and know-how.Q: Another major problem for investors, and for consumers generally, is Sri Lanka’s high electricity cost. Is there a way to reduce electricity prices, perhaps not immediately but over the longer term?If you rank the cheaper sources of energy, you have hydropower, then sources such as Naphtha, pure solar and other renewables, followed by coal and other generation sources. The problem is that, apart from hydropower and solar, many of the cheaper conventional energy sources carry significant environmental costs.Over the longer term, however, I think Sri Lanka should connect its electricity grid to India. It may not be politically popular, but economically it makes sense.A grid connection would allow Sri Lanka to produce as much electricity as it can and export surpluses. At present, even when we produce additional electricity, our grid is not stable enough to handle it efficiently.The grid, therefore, has to be upgraded. That costs a substantial amount of money. Given the current fiscal situation, it is very unlikely that the State alone will be able to finance the necessary improvements. The realistic option is to open grid development to some level of private investment.There is also an issue with the way generation assets have been grouped following restructuring. Ideally, hydropower generation could have been placed in a separate company, coal generation in another company and other renewable generation in another.If you combine hydropower and coal in the same company, for example, a green investment fund may be reluctant or unable to invest in that company because it also owns coal assets.The separation could therefore have been carried further. Over the long term, I would further unbundle generation according to source: coal plants in one company, hydropower in another, and solar and other renewables separately. That would make it easier to attract specialised investment.At the same time, we need to upgrade the grid. Only then can we properly introduce concepts such as electricity wheeling, i.e., transmission of electricity from a private generator to a separate end-user across a third-party transmission or distribution grid.Q: Sri Lanka’s current IMF programme is approaching its conclusion. What should happen afterwards? Should Sri Lanka enter another IMF programme, or is there an alternative?The ideal scenario would be for Sri Lanka to undertake growth reforms without IMF support.But for that to happen, we need the institutional capacity, a clear reform agenda, a credible plan and the ability to execute it.The problem is that global conditions are not particularly favourable. U.S. interest rates have risen, and there is an energy crisis. If Sri Lanka tries to proceed without an IMF programme and then fails to implement reforms, the consequences could be severe. We would struggle to access international capital markets. The recent Fitch upgrade to B-minus is welcome, but Sri Lankan bonds are still trading at expensive rates in the secondary market.If we have an IMF programme, we can access financing at lower interest rates, and the programme also provides a degree of confidence to markets and rating agencies.My preference, in principle, would be to manage without the IMF. But from a pragmatic perspective, given the uncertainty in the global economy and the remaining years of President Donald Trump’s term, it may make sense to have some form of IMF arrangement.It may not need to be another Extended Fund Facility (EFF). A standby arrangement could perhaps be more appropriate. That would provide some checks and balances.Governments generally do not like IMF programmes because they constrain their room for manoeuvre. That will become increasingly relevant because, after this Budget, Sri Lanka will gradually begin moving into an election cycle.So, from a pragmatic perspective, some form of standby IMF arrangement may be the better option.Q: Sri Lanka is also facing considerable external pressure. The Middle East conflict does not appear likely to end soon, while sanctions on Russia have affected access to some supplies. The Government has indicated that importers are losing around Rs. 200 a litre on diesel at present. If diesel prices rise significantly, what effect will that have on the economy?There will certainly be an impact. Economic activity will slow somewhat, and inflationary pressures will increase. However, although it is not a popular decision, I think increasing diesel prices right now is the more sensible option.The data for March and April, when the Government imposed quotas, showed extremely high fuel consumption. It was largely because of hoarding.After the price revisions, consumption declined and subsequently stabilised.If diesel prices are not increased now, two things can happen. The Government will effectively have to provide a large subsidy, and because consumers do not face the full cost, diesel consumption will not fall sufficiently.If crude oil prices remain above US$100 a barrel, our import bill could then rise dramatically. That would put pressure on the currency. If the currency depreciates, fuel prices will ultimately have to rise anyway.At that point, you would have both higher fuel prices and the broader inflationary effects of currency depreciation.Q: Sri Lanka’s main export markets are the United States (US), the European Union (EU) and the United Kingdom (UK). Together, they account for a very large share of our exports. How do you see those economies performing, and what will that mean for Sri Lanka?They are slowing down. Higher U.S. interest rates and the broader uncertainty are clearly affecting the American economy. Europe also faces demographic challenges and political instability. Economically and politically, the Western bloc is not performing particularly well.Sri Lanka will inevitably feel the impact because these are important markets for us.The alternative is to look more seriously at India, which is a growing market, and at Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP.) Sri Lanka has a potentially unique advantage because India is not part of RCEP. If we can develop two sets of trade arrangements, a more comprehensive agreement with India, building on the agreement we already have, and membership of RCEP – Sri Lanka would have access to both the Indian market and the wider RCEP market. That would create a distinctive value proposition for investors. If companies locate in Sri Lanka, they could potentially gain access to markets containing a very large share of the world’s population: India, China and the other RCEP economies, including Australia and New Zealand, which also have high purchasing power.That is the way we should be thinking about the situation. However, joining the RCEP is a long journey. It is not easy. A considerable amount of preparatory work has to be done domestically, both politically and in terms of the policy framework. That is how Sri Lanka needs to respond to the relative slowdown in Western economies.Q: What would you like to see from the coming Budget?This Budget is crucial. In a sense, this is probably the Budget in which the President still has considerable freedom to act. Sri Lanka will gradually begin moving out of the current IMF programme after the first quarter, and the Government has not yet come under the full pressure of the next election cycle.By the time the Budget for 2028 is being prepared, those electoral pressures will be much stronger.In my view, reforms are already late. Even if the President begins major reforms immediately, many of the results may only become visible during a potential second term.That is why reforms need to be implemented as quickly as possible. Only then will we begin to see the results in economic activity and improvements in people’s living standards.
Trump rejects Iranian proposal to open Hormuz and end fightingBy Trevor Hunnicutt, Parisa Hafezi and Menna AlaaeldinSeptember 26, 2026SummaryTrump says he has rejected Iranian proposal to end the warIranian proposal would reopen strait, end fighting in 7 daysTrump says Iran wants urgently to reopen strait due to economic woesSaudi allies show support amid continued attacks by HouthisWASHINGTON/UNITED NATIONS/CAIRO, Sept 26 (Reuters) - US President Donald Trump said on Saturday he had rejected an Iranian proposal to reopen the Strait of Hormuz and end fighting in the Middle East.Iran raised the initiative at the UN General Assembly in New York, saying it had been transmitted to the Americans via Qatari mediators and that it could reopen the strategic waterway and put an end to hostilities in the region within seven days.But in comments to reporters at the White House, Trump said: "I reject their proposal. ... I rejected their deal."They want to make a deal to open the Hormuz Strait immediately because they're losing so badly," he said before leaving for Tennessee. "We're winning tremendously."They want to make a deal and I think that's fine, I like making a deal too. What they want to do is immediately open the Hormuz Strait ... because they have no money coming in, because they get their money from the Hormuz Strait," Trump said.The US has imposed an economic blockade on Iran to put pressure on Tehran to lift its blockade of Hormuz, which has drastically reduced shipping through the strait, even though Trump again asserted that the US had control of the waterway.The Wall Street Journal first reported that Trump had rejected the Iranian proposal, citing unnamed US officials.It said Trump was privately sceptical that Iran would meet his demands and had told his staff that he sees a renewed bombing campaign as likely after the November US midterm elections to Congress.A US official had said earlier that discussions with Iran through mediators were "positive and constructive".CONFLICT HAS DISRUPTED OIL FLOWS, HARMED GLOBAL ECONOMYThe Iranians also engaged their Saudi rivals regarding the Strait of Hormuz, underscoring the stakes of a seven-month-old conflict that has disrupted oil flows through a critical shipping lane and taken a toll on the global economy.Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araqchi told reporters at the United Nations on Friday the proposed deal would trigger a seven-day countdown to reopening the strait and a pause in regional fighting."If there is seriousness on the US side to come to a deal and reopen the Strait of Hormuz, everything is now prepared," Araqchi said. If the US were to agree, the warring parties could start wider talks "on mutually agreed subjects."That could potentially include discussions of Iran's nuclear programme. Trump has said Tehran must never acquire a nuclear bomb, while a senior Iranian official told Reuters that Iran would show no flexibility over its nuclear programme even if the US accepted its peace deal.Iran would grant no concessions over its rights, including enriching uranium or shipping its highly enriched uranium out of the country, the official said.Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian, in an interview with the CBS show "Face the Nation", said Tehran was ready for talks on its nuclear programme and other issues, but would not accept "bullying or coercion"."Iran is not seeking war, but will defend itself against pressure, threats and attacks,” Pezeshkian said, adding that it had already agreed that "we're not supposed to develop nuclear weapons".Previous attempts at diplomacy have failed to end the war, which began on February 28 with US and Israeli attacks.Since then the war has alternated between pauses and renewed strikes, killing thousands while degrading Iran's conventional forces and damaging Iran's already ailing economy.Iran and its allies have retaliated by extending the conflict throughout the region. Iran has struck US allies in the Gulf with drones and missiles while its Houthi allies in Yemen have targeted Saudi interests.Reporting by Menna AlaaElDin in Cairo, Parisa Hafezi at the United Nations and Steve Holland in Washington; Writing by Daniel Trotta, Stephen Coates and Timothy Heritage; Editing by William Mallard and Gareth Jones
தியாகி திலீபன் சிலை பறிப்புENB அறிக்கைஈழம்-யாழ்ப்பாணம் நல்லூரில் அமைக்கப்பட்டிருந்த தியாகதீபம் திலீபனின் வெண்கலச் சிலை, இலங்கை போலீசாரால் வலுக்கட்டாயமாக அகற்றப்பட்டுள்ளது. திலீபனின் 39ஆம் ஆண்டு நினைவு நாளின் இறுதி நாள் நிகழ்வுகள் நிறைவடைந்ததைத் தொடர்ந்து, செப்டம்பர் 27, 2026 அன்று அதிகாலையில் இந்த நடவடிக்கை மேற்கொள்ளப்பட்டது. நாடெங்கிலுமிருந்து ஆயிரக்கணக்கான மக்கள் ஒன்று திரண்டு 11 நாட்கள் தொடர்ந்து அஞ்சலி செலுத்தியதைத் தொடர்ந்து, 12ம் நாள் தனது பொலிஸ் படையை ஏவி இந்தப் பேடித்தனமான செயலைச் செய்துள்ளது, ஜே,வி,பி சமூக தேசிய வெறியரின் அனுர அரசு,செப்டம்பர் 27 அதிகாலை வேளையில், சுமார் 15 முதல் 20 வரையிலான போலீசார் நல்லூர் நினைவிடத்திற்கு வந்து, சிலையின் பீடத்தை உடைத்து திலீபனின் சிலையை வாகனத்தில் ஏற்றிச் சென்றுள்ளனர். இந்தத் காட்சிகள் அங்குள்ள கண்காணிப்பு கேமராவிலும் (CCTV) பதிவாகியுள்ளன.திலீபனின் நினைவு இல்லத்தில் கடந்த 39 வருடங்களாக மக்கள் அஞ்சலி செலுத்தி நினைவு கூர்ந்து வருகின்றனர்.முன்னைய சிலைகள் தகர்க்கப்பட்ட நிலையில் இவ்வாண்டு திலீபனின் நினைவு தினத்தை முன்னிட்டு கடந்த செப்டம்பர் 15 அன்று பொதுமக்களாலும்,சிவில் அமைப்புகளாலும்,அரசியல் கட்சிகளாலும் இந்தச் சிலை அங்கு நிறுவப்பட்டது.தமிழீழ விடுதலைப் புலிகள் (LTTE) இயக்கம் இலங்கையில் தடைசெய்யப்பட்ட ஒன்றாக இருக்கும் நிலையில், இச்சிலை "சட்டவிரோதமானது" எனக் கூறி நீதிமன்ற அனுமதியுடன் தாங்கள் இந்த நடவடிக்கையை எடுத்ததாக காவல்துறை தரப்பில் தெரிவிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.ஆனால் அத்தகைய எந்த ஆவணங்களையோ, சட்ட விளக்கங்களையோ பொலிசார் தமக்கு வழங்கவில்லையென தனது கண்டன உரையில் வேலன் சுவாமிகள் கூறியுள்ளார்,மேலும் இதன் சட்ட நியாயம் குறித்து சட்டத்துறையினரும் கேள்வி எழுப்பியுள்ளனர், ஏனெனில் மாவீரர் தினத்தில் அரசு அழுது புலம்புவதற்கு உரிமை வழங்கியிருந்தது, போலீசாரின் இந்த நடவடிக்கைக்கு தமிழ் அரசியல் தலைவர்கள், சிவில் சமூகத்தினர் மற்றும் பொதுமக்கள் தரப்பில் இருந்து கடும் கண்டனங்கள் எழுந்துள்ளன. சிலை அகற்றப்பட்ட இடத்திற்கு மக்கள் தொடர்ந்து வருகை தந்து, மலர் தூவி அஞ்சலி செலுத்தி வருகின்றனர்.1987 செப்டம்பரில் இந்திய அரசுக்கு எதிராக 5 அம்சக் கோரிக்கைகளை முன்வைத்து திலீபன் நல்லூரில் உண்ணாவிரதமிருந்து உயிர்நீத்தார். அதற்குப் பிறகு அங்கு அமைக்கப்பட்ட நினைவுத் தூபி மற்றும் சிலைகள், கடந்த 1996, 2007 மற்றும் 2012 ஆகிய ஆண்டுகளில் இலங்கை ராணுவத்தினரால் அடுத்தடுத்து சிதைக்கப்பட்டதும், தற்போது மீண்டும் அங்கு வைக்கப்பட்ட சிலை அகற்றப்பட்டிருப்பதும் குறிப்பிடத்தக்கது.இதனால் நாடளாவிய வகையில் மக்கள் கொதித்து கொந்தளித்துள்ளனர்,இவ்வேளையில் சிலை தொடர்பாக ஓட்டுப் பொறுக்கி நாடாளமன்றக் கட்சிகளிடையே நாய்ச் சண்டை ஆரம்பமாகிவிட்டது, இவர்கள்தான் எதிர்ப்பு நடவடிக்கைகளுக்கும் அழைப்பு விட்டுள்ளனர்,திலீபன் இந்திய இலங்கை ஒப்பந்தத்தை அம்பலப்படுத்தவும், இந்திய ஆக்கிரமிப்புப் படையை எதிர்த்தும் போராடி உயிர் நீத்தார்.இந்திய இலங்கை ஒப்பந்தத்தால் ஒட்டுமொத்த நாட்டிற்கும் ஏற்படப்போகும் தீங்கை முதல் முதலாக- ஒப்பந்தம் கைச்சாத்திடுவதற்கு முன்னதாக சுதுமலைப் பிரகடனத்தில் சுட்டிக்காட்டியவர் திரு,பிரபாகரன் மட்டுமே.இலங்கை நாடாளமன்றத்தில் கூட இந்த ஒப்பந்தம் விவாதிக்கப்படவில்லை.அதன் ஒரு பிரகிதிகளுக்கும் அதில் என்ன இருக்கின்றது என்று தெரியாது.இன்றும் பலருக்கு தெரியாதிருக்க வாய்ப்புண்டு.இதே போல் தான் அனுரா ஆட்சி இந்தியாவுடன் செய்து கொண்ட இரு இராணுவ ஒப்பந்தங்களும் விவாதிக்கப்படவில்லை, பகிரங்கப்படுத்தப்படவும் இல்லை.இலங்கை இராணூவத்துக்கு இந்தியா குருவி சுடப் பழக்கப் போகிறதோ என்னவோ அத்தகைய இரணுவ உபகரணங்களை விற்கவும், பயன்படுத்த பயிற்சி அளிக்கவும் இவ் ஒப்பந்தங்கள் வழி வகை செய்கின்றன!1987 இல் ஜே.வி.பி கும்பல் இந்திய இராணுவம் தமிழருக்கு நாட்டைப் பிரித்துக் கொடுக்க வந்துள்ளது என்றுகூறி போராடியது.இந்தியப் படை வருகையால் பிரேமதாச ஆட்சிக்கு ஏற்பட்ட நெருக்கடியைப் பயன்படுத்தி அதிகாரத்தைக் கைப்பற்றலாம் என்று கனவு கண்டது.மாத்தையா-பிரேமதாசா பேச்சுவார்த்தையில் இந்தியப் படையை வெளியேற்ற உடன்பாடு காணப்பட்டதால் அந்தக் கனவு பலிக்கவில்லை. பல்லாயிரக் கணக்கான அப்பாவி சிங்கள ஏழை விவசாயக் குடும்பங்களின் குழந்தைகளை பிரேமதாச அரசு நரபலி எடுத்தது.களனி ஆற்றில், ரயர்கள் கட்டி எரிக்கப்பட்ட சடலங்கள் தோணிகளாய் ஊர்வலம் போயின.இதற்கு காரணமான ஜே.வி.பி அரக்களைய மூலம் அதிகாரத்தைக் கைப்பற்றி இரண்டு ஆண்டுகள் ஆகிவிட்டது.1987 இந்திய எதிர்ப்புப் போராளிகளுக்கு ஒரு நினைவு மண்டபம் கட்டவில்லை.ஆனால் இந்தியப் படையின் மண்டபதை மக்கள் வரிப்பணத்தில் பராமரித்துவருகின்றது,இப்போ ஈழத்தில் இந்திய விரிவாதிக்க எதிர்ப்புப் போராளி தியாகி திலீபனுக்கு மக்கள் தங்கள் சொந்தப் பணத்தில் நான்காவது தடவையாக கட்டியமைத்த சிலையை பெயர்த்து பறித்தெடுத்துச் சென்றுள்ளது.மொத்தம் எத்தனை காலனியாதிக்கப் பயங்கரவாதிகளுக்கு இலங்கையின் பட்டி தொட்டி எங்கும் சிலைகள் உண்டு, இது வெட்கம் இல்லையா!மாவீரர் தினத்தில் கதறி அழ அனுமதித்த சட்டம் இப்போது ஏன் தடை செய்கின்றது?`` இந்திய எதிர்ப்பு நடவடிக்கைகளுக்கு இலங்கை மண்ணில் இடமில்லை `` என்பதாலா?அப்போதும் கூட நாம் தான் கலாச்சார இரட்டையர்கள் ஆயிற்றே, உருவ வழிபாடு உங்களுக்கும் உரியது தானே!பாபர் மசூதியை இடித்துவிட்டு நீங்கள் இராமர் கோவில் கட்டவில்லையா? எங்கள் தெய்வங்களின் சிலைகளை மட்டும் ஏன் தகர்க்கின்றீர்கள்?`கண தெய்யோ நாண்ட கீயா` என்று லேபில் அணிந்து கணபதிக் கடவுளை கடலிலே வீசினீர்கள்; தமிழாராய்ச்சி மாநாட்டு சிலையை மொத்தம் எத்தனை தடவை தகர்த்தீர்கள், மாவீரன் மில்லரின் உருவச் சிலை, மாவீரர் துயிலுமில்லங்கள், சற்றுப் பின்னே போனால் (!981) ஒளவையார், கண்ணகி, கூடவே மோகன்லாலுக்கும் கை உடைத்தீர்கள்.அது சரி இந்த `தலை`, சிலை, ஆடல், பாடல் இதற்கெல்லாம் உங்களுக்கு ஏன் இவ்வளவு பயம்.ஒன்று வல்லரசு, மற்றது வல்லரசின் பொல் அரசு.நாட்டரசனையும், கூடவே பாட்டரசனையும் தின்று விழுங்கிவிட்டீர்கள், இப்போ அவன் எழுதிய் ஒரு பாட்டால் சரிந்து விழுகின்ற அளவுக்கா உங்கள் சாம்ராஜ்ஜியம் இருக்கின்றது.நீங்கள் தெரிந்தோ தெரியாமலோ நெருப்போடு மீண்டும் விளையாடுகின்றீர்கள்.திலீபன் சிலையை திருப்பி நிறுவுங்கள்.புதிய ஈழப் புரட்சியாளர்கள்.27-09-2026 ஈழம்
